In June of 1790, two men met, perhaps by chance, outside the office of George Washington. One man was the Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson. The other was the Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton. Both had a matter they wanted to resolve but, because of their political differences, did not think of sharing their concerns with the other. After a few moments of polite chat, Hamilton began to speak his mind.
Alexander Hamilton: The fact that we are political adversaries should not prevent us from finding some common interests that may bode well for the nation.
Thomas Jefferson: I’ve never been one able to read minds and if I were to start, it would not be one as complicated as yours. What is it you want to say?
Hamilton: Let us first agree to keep this conversation confidential.
Jefferson: When I hear someone say that, I’m quite certain that the speaker has no intention of doing so. But by your forlorn looks, I’d say you are in a terrible dilemma.
Hamilton: President Washington has placed an enormous amount on my shoulders to find ways to solve our fiscal issues.
Jefferson: If the burden is too great, you should resign and we will find a bright young republican to take your place.
Hamilton: I have no intention of resigning. I am a proud federalist as is the President and I am certain that you have nobody in your party equal to my ability.
Jefferson: Before we do anything else, we will have to attend to your sense of humor. Now tell me what’s on your mind.
Hamilton: For me to be effective in my efforts, I must be able to bring fresh ideas before congress and have support enough to pass them into law. I am soliciting your support for the sake of the union to join in “common cause” and resolve acceptance of the Assumption Bill.
Jefferson: This is not the first time you have urged republicans to come to your cause. You want the federal government to solve the debt problems of the public. That is precisely what you federalists do. You want the central government to get more and more powerful, taking away any prerogatives from the states.
Hamilton: But if there is a matter common to all states like the settlement of the Revolutionary War debt, would it not make abundant sense to let the federal government take on that responsibility?
Alexander Hamilton: The fact that we are political adversaries should not prevent us from finding some common interests that may bode well for the nation.
Thomas Jefferson: I’ve never been one able to read minds and if I were to start, it would not be one as complicated as yours. What is it you want to say?
Hamilton: Let us first agree to keep this conversation confidential.
Jefferson: When I hear someone say that, I’m quite certain that the speaker has no intention of doing so. But by your forlorn looks, I’d say you are in a terrible dilemma.
Hamilton: President Washington has placed an enormous amount on my shoulders to find ways to solve our fiscal issues.
Jefferson: If the burden is too great, you should resign and we will find a bright young republican to take your place.
Hamilton: I have no intention of resigning. I am a proud federalist as is the President and I am certain that you have nobody in your party equal to my ability.
Jefferson: Before we do anything else, we will have to attend to your sense of humor. Now tell me what’s on your mind.
Hamilton: For me to be effective in my efforts, I must be able to bring fresh ideas before congress and have support enough to pass them into law. I am soliciting your support for the sake of the union to join in “common cause” and resolve acceptance of the Assumption Bill.
Jefferson: This is not the first time you have urged republicans to come to your cause. You want the federal government to solve the debt problems of the public. That is precisely what you federalists do. You want the central government to get more and more powerful, taking away any prerogatives from the states.
Hamilton: But if there is a matter common to all states like the settlement of the Revolutionary War debt, would it not make abundant sense to let the federal government take on that responsibility?
The gleam that came into Jefferson’s eye was
the thought of reaching a compromise with Alexander Hamilton as he invited the
Secretary of the Treasury to have dinner at his home the next day, to which he
would also invite James Madison.
Hamilton: You have a lovely home and I
thank you for your kind invitation but I can’t help but feel that it may be a
trap for this inexperienced New Yorker. The South has me outnumbered.
Jefferson: You have nothing to fear. We
are reasonable men seeking ways to better serve our
country.
Madison has been invited because he possesses that extraordinary intelligence
that catches those obscure details about which many of us may be unaware. If
the President were here, I’m sure he would applaud the presence here of James
Madison.
Hamilton: I can’t think of any other
Virginian I’d prefer to have at this discussion than James.
Despite
his geographical impediment, he and I have other interests in common.
Madison: We have a common disdain for
the anti-federalists, our host, of course, is that single exception. But then
again, Thomas is an exceptional person in every way.
Jefferson: With that praise, you will
get my finest French wine.
Hamilton: I must say that I am
surprised that James is here. I have already counted on his support for the Assumption Bill. Is there a sleight of hand that I must prepare myself for?
James Madison |
Madison: Not at all. I am here to help
fashion a compromise where perhaps a horse or two may be traded. Thomas, do you
want to outline this compromise?
Jefferson: You are doing so well, I’d
hate to throw off your stride. Please continue, James.
Madison: In return for southern support
for the Assumption Bill, we would like you to persuade the Pennsylvanians and
New Yorkers to vote for a permanent capital by the Potomac.
Only the smile on Hamilton’s face betrayed
his thoughts. A bargain had been struck. With the compromise, Hamilton was able to muster support from the New
York State delegates for the Potomac site, while four delegates (all from districts
bordering the Potomac) switched from opposition to support for the Assumption
Bill.
As a reminder to the reader, the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia as a temporary capital, from 1774 to 1788. On March 4, 1789, New York City was the home to Congress until July 1790, when the Residence Act was passed to pave the way for a permanent capital. The Residence Act gave authority to President George Washington to select an exact site for the capital, along the Potomac, and set a deadline of December 1800 for the capital to be ready. In the meantime Washington had authority to appoint three commissioners and oversee the construction of Federal buildings in the District something to which he gave much personal attention. Thomas Jefferson was a key adviser to Washington, and helped organize a competition to solicit designs for the United States Capitol and the President’s House.
As a reminder to the reader, the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia as a temporary capital, from 1774 to 1788. On March 4, 1789, New York City was the home to Congress until July 1790, when the Residence Act was passed to pave the way for a permanent capital. The Residence Act gave authority to President George Washington to select an exact site for the capital, along the Potomac, and set a deadline of December 1800 for the capital to be ready. In the meantime Washington had authority to appoint three commissioners and oversee the construction of Federal buildings in the District something to which he gave much personal attention. Thomas Jefferson was a key adviser to Washington, and helped organize a competition to solicit designs for the United States Capitol and the President’s House.
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